Of Establishment and Singularity

May 27, 2009 at 8:54 pm (tWP) (, , , , , )

The Establishment always resents and isolates the Singularity.

When the Reformation acquired political weight, the Catholic powers spent 30 years trying to purge it. When Napoleon’s republican empire threatened the monarchical stability in Europe, coalition after coalition was brought together to counter the threat. Allies and alliances are recurrently brought to bear on systemic threats such as the bolshevist revolution or the Islamist revolution in Iran.face_in_the_crowd_by_smashmethod

For the most part these collective efforts are justified. The same isn’t true when the singularity is not a systemic threat. Regrettably the structural mechanisms in place, to contain and isolate singularities, also work against singularities too small to constitute a danger to the international system.

Such is clearly the case with Israel and the DPRK.

israel unscIsrael is a structural outcast because its restoration and existence were achieved outside systemic norms or procedural protocols. Unlike its neighbours, its leadership and borders were self-appointed and inherently so was its international legitimacy – on a fait accompli basis – when compared to most of the international conference and decree based independences emerged of the European decolonisation.

North Korea too began to exercise friction on the international structure, the moment the iron curtain fell and with it Pyongyang’s legitimacy.

Unlike the other dualities originating in a bipolar international system – Vietnam, Germany, Yemen – North Korea remains an unsolved problem.

Unfortunately this means that the singularity’s usual survival methods must as a matter of course, be alien to international conventions. The friction between a singularity and the established structure however heightens the singularity’s marginalisation and activates mechanisms designed to deal with more serious threats.

g061015bIn the case of the DPRK, its regime is of course partly to blame for this. Its autistic foreign policy and lack of commitment to reunification, prevent any prospects of “normalisation” for its regime and people.

Hence, it is foolish to treat these states as threats to the system because their critical mass – or lack there of – dissuades them from universalising their dissimilar existential legitimacy.

On the other hand, other said “normal” and legitimate entities stemming from the European decolonisation process and sanctioned by the international system, are allowed to persist despite outrageously incoherent polities which victimise far more people and destabilise regions much more easily than Israel or the DPRK.

This is not to advocate nation-building or geopolitical engineering but rather to set priorities and do away with systemic prejudice, when it comes to dealing with international problems.

What we today observe is the same instruments being used in order to safeguard the existence and legitimacy of both Israel and the DPRK – among others. Regional destabilisation is an obvious choice by these singularities, as deterrence against the international system’s urge to forcefully normalise its incoherencies.

Nowadays this destabilisation is ensured through the nuclear weapon and the potential regional armageddon. It is also achieved through extortion with both Israel and the DPRK backing down on prior agreements in order to ensure enough leverage in any future “normalising” negotiations.

What must be understood by the democratisers and humanitarianisers in chief, is that non-interference in internal affairs, the safeguard of sovereignty and the respect for regional power frameworks are empirically reliable tools with which to deal with international problems.

Moral agendas on the other hand, hinder stability and promote intolerance in the international system, they ultimately prevent ad hoc power arrangements and discourage solutions based on reality.

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